JoSCCI

Law Sites Revisited: Looking at Differences

Barbara Nicholson
Wadi Wadi People

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This paper will argue that the differences that exist between Western Societal Law and Law making, and Aboriginal Customary Law and Law making, can be understood in a framework of landscape and the ways in which it is used. While these two bodies of law are diametrically opposed to each other and incompatible in essence, the general theme of the argument rests in differences between sites of imported law and sites of indigenous law.

Deviating from the sociological theories of Durkheim and Weber the material in this paper is largely gathered from my own observations and cultural learning, and seeks to provoke thought rather than offer solutions.

Firstly, I want to discuss the Dreaming, its origins, its ownership and continuity, and how it governs all aspects of Aboriginal life.

In the beginning the Ancestral Spirits left their places of abode in the Dreaming and travelled the earth. As they made their way across the surface of the earth they carved out gullies, and valleys and river beds, contouring the landscape with the displaced earth which then formed hills and mountains. They brought with them the blueprint material for all living things and imbued the features of the land with it so that the land itself gave birth to all the animals, plants and very importantly, the people. Because of this, the people and the plants and the animals are all one, are all earth and through the earth all have spiritual links to each other and to their origins in the Dreaming. Thus the Dreaming Spirits created the physical landscape to house their living forms, and formed the features of that landscape and positioned all the living things in safe places within their specific ecosystems. They then allocated different spaces to different groups of people, endowing them with the sacred trust of custodianship of their allocated land area together with all things, animate and inanimate within it, through a complex system of kinship and totemic symbolism, in short, inscribing the Law in and on the land.

Having completed their creation journeys, the Ancestral Spirits then called the people together with all other living things and gave them the Law. Bound up in the Law are all the rituals of kinship, totemism, marriage, hunting, gathering, medicine, education, parenting, avoidance and non-avoidance relationships and ceremony. Each individual is given his/her own particular set of totemic symbols according to their birth place and kinship placement. I should point out here that we did not previously refer to this to this as totemism, but did, and still do, call this 'skin stuff', and an individual must be given his or her skin stuff in order to validate their relationship to and within the group.

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These totems might be animate or inanimate, and it is that person's responsibility to care for the gifts in ways that protect them from depletion and degradation. People thus become custodians of their totems and by extension, the laws governing them. Totemic relationships also govern relationships within the group, and with other groups, they define which are avoidance and which are non-avoidance relationships. The law is passed down from generation to generation through the oral tradition in an extensive initiation process, which might take many years to complete, in places that are known to be sacred and all of the people are agents of the law, owning the rights and responsibilities for its continued existence.

The business of the Dreaming then becomes a continuum that is eternal and has no ending, is circular not linear, is spatial not temporal, so that yesterday is as relevant as today, and so that even this event will become part of our Wadi Wadi Dreaming. The law is ‘socialistic’ not ‘capitalistic’; is communally owned not privately owned; and it is immutable, that is, not subject to change by the ruling elite, politicians or judges.

This brings me to a crucial theme of this paper, and that is to do with law sites. The kind of sites where laws are passed on are often communal gathering places, which you may understand as 'corroboree'. At these gathering sites communal laws are transferred and reinforced. All of the appropriate people participate in the learning process. Other sites are secret/sacred initiation sites which may be known to you as 'Bora Ground/Rings'. If the business is of a secret/sacred nature, that is, men's or women's business, then only men or women will be permitted to attend, these sites are out of bounds to inappropriate people and are usually only accessed by appropriate people during times of ritual and ceremony. While I may not reveal the exact location of such extant sites, I am able to indicate the kind of places that are traditionally used for these purposes.

These sites may reasonably typify the kind of place that might be dedicated to secret law business. Protected against easy access by the natural barriers of elevation and water, they are ideally situated for the very important secret rituals of initiation. The cave art records some of the creation stories of the Wadi Wadi people and is an important bona fide declaration of sovereignty over our land.


The 'Tom Thumb Lagoon' is a prime example of a communal gathering place and was an actual site of Law giving. This is how it looked in pre and early contact periods. With a clear outlet to the sea, and connected to a series of wetland areas westward beyond what is now the coal loader, the inner harbour, Lysaghts, the Tin Plate Mill and the BHP slag dump.

The area provided a rich source of food, water and shelter, all under the watchful eyes of Grandfather mountain, Mt. Kembla, and Grandmother mountain, Mt. Keira, sacred origins of our Dreaming paths. It was a perfect site for large gatherings of people and was no doubt utilised to the fullest extent. Importantly, the sites do not assume an artificial dominance over the landscape but are defined within it by the natural features of the environment and by the abundance of resources.

In essence, the sites are consumed within the landscape. The availability of resources is a very important factor precisely because the ceremonies may extend over several weeks and sustenance must be maintained. Sadly, because colonisation has managed to achieve in two hundred years what we could not even imagine in forty thousand years, we can no longer use this site.

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The impact of colonisation has wrought stark change to the physical landscape. The introduction of heavy industry to the area has created irreparable damage, the caves are cracking and sinking due to mine subsidence and Tom Thumb Lagoon is now an unrecognisable cess pool of steelworks and industrial pollution.

And of course colonisation brought a new system of law to the land which in many ways has had a similar polluting effect on the spiritual landscape of the Dreaming. To illustrate these two points I want to take a look at the site of Port Kembla Court House, and the architectural representation of that new system of law.

Contrary to the Indigenous experience of Law sites blending into the natural environment, courts, as sites of Western law, are frequently built in elevated locations so that they dominate the physical space. They hence form part of an artificial environment and by virtue of their imposing architecture, proclaim an authority over the people.

The more modern style of the Port Kembla court building deviates from this frequently used style of court architecture. Built in 1966/67, it broke with the tradition of court architecture in its unassuming edifice and even followed the fashion for the residential construction of the time by using clinker bricks. The court does however, have an elevation above sea level but nonetheless competes for recognition in the built environment.

Situated on a hill and at the gateway to heavy industrial area adjacent to a busy cargo port, overlooking the Tom Thumb Lagoon, the building is a modern, single storey, dark brick edifice which disappears into the industry scape.

When the court was built heavy industry was already well established in the immediate environment. The architectural design of the building appears to subdue itself to the might of heavy industry, as if not wanting to compete for dominance in the built environment.

Heavy industry overpowers the landscape, symbolising by its architectural dominance over the court that a shift of ownership of social control has occurred: that industry itself now sets the rules for societal behaviour. The evidence is there in the harbour port, the coal loader, the grain terminal, the steel manufacturing plant, the tin plate mill, the copper smelter and so on.

These industries have the power to operate or not, employ or retrench, to dictate (or at least influence) policies concerning levels of pay for workers and working conditions. They have an ability to disregard environmental protection measures and to immunise themselves against significant penalties for ecological degradation. In short, industry seems to have the power to govern the lifestyles, health, wealth and well being of the population as well as the state of the environment.

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This raises some issues about the impact of the built environment on the public psyche, and raises the question of whether this means the court has been replaced as the people’s representative site of justice, or indeed as a site of social control, by industrial capitalism? While I acknowledge the end responsibility will be played out within the confines of the judicial system, the location (and architecture) of this particular courthouse within the heavy industry landscape could well lead to speculation about western law and its ownership.

Western Law, Its Ownership, Continuity, Origins and How it Governs

The historical origins of the dominant imported law are firmly entrenched in the traditions of the colonising powers and quickly became the instrument through which Aboriginal people were dispossessed, and, just as quickly, these colonising powers overrode the rich laws of Indigenous Australia. This immediately set the pattern for the continued ownership and enforcement of law in this country. A clear example of this is in the High Court’s 1992 ruling in the Mabo case. This judgment was made by the Full Bench of the High Court, which consists of seven judges all of Anglo/European descent: there are no Aboriginal judges on the High Court. The ruling was made on precedents of English Law set in times prior to the establishment of Australia as a colony, but Aboriginal Law, set in the Dreaming over forty thousand years ago, was discounted as a valid participant in the decision making.

Ownership of Western Law, unlike Aboriginal Customary Law, is not invested in the people en masse, only an elite number of people ‘own’ the rights and responsibilities of instituting and implementing the law. Politicians and court judges fill that role in Western Law and each are supported by a plethora of service departments and organisations whose members use the very latest in technological/electronic surveillance and intervention, coupled with the most sophisticated weaponry the end of this millennium can provide.

The way in which Western law governs society differs greatly from the indigenous experience. In the Western paradigm, Courts administer retributive justice and offenders are exiled from the society of family, friends and neighbours for lengthy periods of time. Indigenous Customary Law focuses on restorative justice where an offender is brought to a realisation of error and is helped through this by the support of family and friends.

As agents of social control, parliaments often enact impossible, horrendous, even inhumane laws. These Acts are often subject to amendment, viz the Howard Government's proposed amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act and 1998’s amendments to the Native Title Act. In neither case, that is, in the courts or in parliament, are the Customary Laws of Aboriginal people considered, and even though some attempt is being made by Western Law in remote Aboriginal communities to embrace elements of Customary Law in civil matters, these efforts are being met with strong opposition from the dominant non-indigenous society.

In conclusion, I’ll briefly outline the key points of difference between the two Law systems:

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References

1Eugene Von Guerard, View of Lake Illawarra with distant mountains of Kiama, 1860 oil on canvas Wollongong City Gallery Collection The George and Nerissa Johnson Memorial Bequest.
Image has been slightly cropped for editing purpose with permission.